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The Patriot Act: Where It Stands
The fight to reform the Patriot Act is far from over. Congress failed to include commonsense reforms to the Patriot Act that would target our precious anti-terrorism resources on suspected foreign terrorists rather than invading the privacy of innocent people through fishing expeditions into their financial, medical, library and Internet records.

The ACLU is disappointed and deeply concerned with Congress' capitulation to the White House's opposition to modest but meaningful changes that would better protect the privacy and civil liberties of all American residents. But there are signs of progress on the issue.

The Patriot Act debate has come a long way in the last four years. When the Senate first voted on the Patriot Act, only one Senator opposed it -- on this year's reauthorization vote, that number increased ten-fold. And a bipartisan group of 52 Senators stood up to the administration and filibustered the reauthorization bill late last year.

In the House, bipartisan majorities supported bills to limit the reach of the Patriot Act by placing better checks and balances into the law -- moves that were ultimately overridden by the Republican House leadership at the behest of the Bush administration's knee-jerk opposition to common-sense reforms.

The Patriot Act debate is far from over.

  The bill puts a new four-year sunset date on three provisions:

1) Section 215 (known as the "library records" provision, but which actually applies to "any tangible thing") which does not require any individualized suspicion to get a court order for any record wanted in intelligence investigations;
2) Section 206 (known as “John Doe” roving wiretaps in intelligence investigations, which allow multiple phones to be tapped) which does not require law enforcement to ascertain that a suspected foreign terrorist is using the phones being listened to by government agents;
3) The lone wolf provision (added by the 2004 intelligence bill) which applies the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act's secret surveillance powers to non-US citizens in this country but without requiring that they be acting for a foreign power and without sufficient safeguards.

Even before the next debate over sunsetting powers in 2009, Congress can do the right thing. Lawmakers should pass the SAFE Act, as well as the amendments sponsored by Senators Russ Feingold (D-WI), Patrick Leahy (D-VT), Jeff Bingaman (D-NM), and Arlen Specter (R-PA), which would help cure many of the problems that are left unfixed in the law. Those amendments, along with legislation by Congresswoman Jane Harman (D-CA) and others, would put needed checks on the National Security Letter powers that are being used to gather the financial and internet transactions of tens of thousands of Americans.

The ACLU will continue to press for meaningful reforms. Along with our bipartisan allies, the ACLU will continue to push for common-sense changes to be made to the Patriot Act to bring it in line with the Constitution by restoring much needed checks and balances.

  More than 400 communities across the nation (cities, towns, counties and eight states) have passed resolutions seeking reforms of the Patriot Act. These communities range from the conservative state of Montana to the progressive state of Hawaii; and from cities as large as New York to small towns like Elko, Nevada. For a full list of these resolutions, go to: http://www.aclu.org/resolutions. Unfortunately, due to pressure from the White House, Congress did not listen to the people.

  Reauthorization does not make the Patriot Act constitutional. Through lawsuits filed in federal court the ACLU has challenged the constitutionality of Section 215 of the Patriot Act and the National Security Letter (NSL) provision expanded by the Patriot Act. We won our two challenges to the NSL powers in federal district court, which have been appealed by the government. It's clear that some sections of the Patriot Act went too far, too fast and violate the fundamental freedoms of Americans.

  Fortunately, Congress did reject efforts, supported by administration allies, to expand the Patriot Act to further encroach on constitutional liberties. Lawmakers flatly rejected the "Domestic Security Enhancement Act," the so-called "Patriot Act 2." Congress also refused to act on the completely unwarranted proposal by the administration last year to allow the FBI to subpoena "any tangible thing" without court approval in intelligence investigations, which was spearheaded by Senator Roberts (R-KS), chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee.

  The Patriot Act debate has been about preserving fundamental American values. Unfortunately, despite all of the changes the Patriot Act made to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) back in 2001, President Bush has arrogated to himself the unconstitutional power to ignore FISA's requirement of judicial oversight over all wiretapping of US persons. Even if we were to win all of the reforms needed to fix the Patriot Act until Americans demand that the president be required to follow the law any such changes could be ignored under the current regime.

  President Bush's instigation of warrantless eavesdropping on Americans by the National Security Agency violates the Americans' Fourth Amendment rights and demonstrates a total disregard for the rule of law. Our system of government requires that the power of any president must not be unchecked--Americans demand a strong system of checks and balances. Presidents must faithfully execute the laws passed by Congress and cannot simply ignore those laws.

  This administration has taken an extreme view on executive power. Congress must restore the rule of law and insist that Americans' rights be protected. Our great nation can, and must, be both safe and free.

More About Reauthorization
The reauthorization bill that will become law retains the most serious flaws from the original Patriot Act, primarily failing to require that any private records sought in an intelligence investigation be about suspected foreign terrorists or Americans conspiring with them. This year's bill does make a number of other changes to the law:

 

It makes explicit that any business that receives an order for records of employees or customers has a right to consult with a lawyer.

The final bill allows lawyers to be consulted about whether to challenge the demand for records (and literally “any tangible thing”) including financial or internet transactions, they possess.

Businesses do not have to get permission to consult an attorney or tell the federal government they have sought legal advice, as sought by the Bush administration.

Customers or employees whose sensitive personal records are demanded can never be told their records were turned over to the government, unless the gag order that accompanies the demands are discontinued.

The reauthorization bill will make it so that gag orders are not automatic and need not be permanent restrictions on the free speech rights of businesses.

The law is also changed to allow businesses to challenge the gag orders they receive, but recipients will not be allowed to challenge any restriction on their free speech for a year.

And the administration stacked the deck by imposing an unconstitutional standard for those challenges.

Under the new law, if a high-level political appointee certifies that national security or diplomatic relations will be harmed, the court must consider that assertion "conclusive" unless the recipient proves that assertion was made in “bad faith” – meaning the gag order will stand. This plainly unconstitutional standard fails to comport with Americans' First Amendment rights.

Businesses will also have an express right to challenge records orders under Section 215 of the Patriot Act, but the standard is stacked in favor of the government. And, the Bush administration refused to include a standard expressly allowing doctors, lawyers, and priests to challenge any effort by government agents to get privileged communications from clients, patients or penitents. We believe there is an inherent right to make such challenges to protect confidential conversations.

Under the bill, NSLs, which are issued by the FBI for financial records and internet or phone logs without a court order, will be made more coercive and more punitive.

They will become National Security Subpoenas (NSSs) and businesses that do not comply can be held in contempt by courts.

Any employee -- from the mail clerk to the CEO of a company -- who intentionally discloses a demand for these records can go to jail for five years under the new law.

Fortunately, we won a good standard for challenging these demands from the FBI for being unreasonable but the administration forced through an unconstitutional standard for challenging the accompanying gag (the conclusiveness standard discussed above).

Other changes include an initial seven-day period of delay on sneak and peek search warrants, subject to exceptions and extensions. However, these secret search warrants can be issued by the court to search any home or business without any link to terrorism whatsoever or even an emergency. And 88 percent of these search warrants, which can still be kept secret for months or years, have been obtained by the Bush administration in cases that have nothing to do with terrorism.

Under the new law, the Patriot Act's broad definition of domestic terrorism, which was defined to reach any state or federal misdemeanor or felony dangerous to life committed to change government policy, is now limited to specific federal terrorism crimes.

The new law will also expand the power of the Secret Service to limit access to so-called "national security events," whether or not security is needed to protect the president. And anyone who uses false credentials or violates a Secret Service perimeter can now be charged with a federal crime.

The new law will add some additional death penalties to federal crimes linked to terrorism, but we did stop the administration's effort to almost triple the number of federal death penalty crimes and harshly limit the writ of habeas corpus in all cases where a person has been accused of a crime. The final bill does allow the attorney general to certify that a state's system of providing counsel to criminal defendant's is adequate, despite the incompetent actions of untrained or negligent counsel in any individual case.


General Background on Patriot Act Reauthorization

Congress passed the Patriot Act, with very little debate, just 45 days after 9/11, when emotions ran high and lawmakers were under pressure to do something, pass anything, in response. Some Members of Congress had less than an hour to read the extensive changes in the law before voting.

Many Members of Congress, worried about the potential for abuse, demanded that the government include "sunsets" on some of the most extreme parts of the act. Under the sunset provision, these powers were to be reconsidered by Congress or they were to expire by Dec. 31, 2005. That expiration date was extended until this month to allow for negotiations.

Partisans tried to rush through the reauthorization process at the beginning of 2005, at the administration's request that all the powers be made permanent with no changes. While multiple hearings were held in both the House and Senate on the Patriot Act itself, neither chamber held hearings on the actual changes to the law that were proposed in the summer. And, the House leadership refused to allow key reforms to the final bill to get an up or down vote by the full House. In the Senate, partisan leadership similarly blocked efforts to get or down votes on key amendments to reform the Patriot Act. Clearly, congressional leaders feared that if lawmakers were allowed a fair vote on the most needed reforms that they would pass.

The efforts to make almost all of the Patriot Act permanent with few substantive reforms was met by strong resistance from an unlikely chorus across the political spectrum. The ACLU worked with organizations on the left and the right to press for reforms, such as Patriots to Restore Checks and Balances (www.checksbalances.org) chaired by former Congressman Bob Barr (R-GA), a coalition including such conservative organizations like the American Conservative Union and Americans for Tax Reform to call for meaningful changes.

The House and Senate passed different versions of legislation to reauthorize the Patriot Act. Since they were not the same bill, the differences were resolved in a "conference committee" with representatives from both chambers, but critical compromises were made while excluding Democrats from negotiations. The ensuing conference report failed to include the most important civil liberties protections included in the Senate version of the bill. A final bill and a small amendments package have now passed both houses of Congress. The amended Patriot Act continues to fail to adequately protect the privacy rights of innocent, ordinary people in this country.

 

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LOCAL RESOLUTIONS
What your community can do.

THE NEED FOR REFORM
Key Patriot Act facts.

NSL LETTERS
No court. No telling.

SECTION 215
Spying on American citizens.

FLASH MOVIE
How the Patriot Act affects you and your rights.

KNOW YOUR RIGHTS
What to do if you are questioned or if you are a target for investigation.

Factsheets:
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LEARN MORE
More ACLU resources about the Patriot Act.

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